Transition of Politics in India

Transition of Politics in India ASHWANI KUMAR INTRODUCTION Politics in India has continuously evolved from an empire rule under the Mughals, to colonialism under the British, establishment of multi-party democracy to the current experiment with direct democracy. This paper has been written with the aim to understand and analyze the structure of politics in India from the British Era to the emergence of democracy, on the basis of three articles by Sudipta Kaviraj. The analysis will be divided into two sections; the first talking about the idea of modernity and establishment of a colonial state; and second on the establishment and functioning of democracy in the post-colonial state. MODERNITY and COLONIAL STATE According to Sudipta Kaviraj[1] modernity is not homogenous. There doesn’t exist a standard form or structure of western societies that can be reproduced in all societies; historical facts and experiences define ‘modernity’. The change in social practices which could arise due to coercive action or transformation by will make the experience unique. Substantiating this he gives the example of transformation of education in Bengal towards Western ideals leading to disappearance of the traditional schools. Further, the processes that constitute modernity are plural in nature due to their historical combination. Critiquing the functionalist approach in Marxism he states that taking the different historical accounts such strong functional characteristics that define the capitalist structure wouldn’t exist. A capitalist transformation via accumulation in all sectors doesn’t mean a homogenous system of social relations expressed as modernity. By this he bas ically means that considering that each sector would be unique with respect to their product relations and social relations, the act of capital accumulation by itself would not lead to modernity. It is the sequence of the processes and interconnection that define the nature of modernity. The transformation of India was a state driven process through these modern instruments in the absence of forces like the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. A modern state has two aspects to it; as an instrument its society’s capacity for collective action and, as an idea it’s a society based on the principle of sovereignty.[2] Collective agency and working via collective action are the pillars of modern society. Giving examples he elucidates how bureaucratic administration, collective consciousness towards a nationalist thought are all directed towards establishing a process of well-directed collective action. It is these modern processes on the basis of collective action through which t he government formulates policies and takes decisions. Here is where he states these policies of society are reflexive. We can define them reflexive in two senses, first that these devices of collective agency are directed to society as much as to other areas (like conflict, war prone areas). Secondly, the effectiveness of these modern devices were constantly monitored and reformed in case of failure. This rationality brings about options to arrange their own structures and learn from their own experiences, and this is what Kaviraj meant by recursive rationalization. This very idea of drawing to experiences and structuring society accordingly is why societies would not emulate the west. Every modern state is hence unique in its formation depending on historical factors and factors of strength of collective agency and rational thought. The uniqueness of structure of society in India lies in its social structure .This was the caste system on the basis of which value of human life and his role was established in society. Caste system was the basis of Hindu religion and even with the onset of the Mughal Empire there was no change in the fundamental structure of social order. There existed a dual system of power with both Hindu and Islam principles. Furthermore, the political power was limited to just ‘executive’ powers (of protecting social institutions or maintaining law and order) on the basis of social power governed under the caste system. Modern sovereignty as an idea was alien as even the political leaders were subservient to this social order and therefore did not hold any powers to reconstitute it. The subsequent process of colonization in itself was unique as it was met with hardly any opposition in the beginning; rather it was in some sense supported by the elite. The British entered Bengal as a revenue raising body and tried to gain control through commerce and revenue activities. This was easy to capture as the traditional society was not organized around the power of state, they did not control the entire functioning of the state. British introduced the idea of ‘state sovereignty’ and ‘different spheres’ of social life defining the political structure in society.[3] This led to condensation of functions and consolidation of power based on European history to formulate a state through techniques of disciplinary power, structure of welfare state and democracy. Before modernity regulatory functions existed through different agencies but the British concentrated them at the center. This is what created a ‘colonial state’ by using discipli nary techniques to bring the society under intellectual control. This idea of sovereignty established a state that had legislative power which could critically judge and restructure social institutions like the caste system, and this was superimposed by developing critical rational thought amongst the intellectual. Rationalism born due to intellectual growth disregarded Edward Said’s assertion that Orientalism led to submission of intellect (Kaviraj, Modernity and Politics in India 2000). This expression of common rational thought also created strong associations among the modern elite. With the establishment of ‘Rule of Law’ and more importance provided to community grievances rather than individuals, unified pressure groups began formulating by the elite. This logic of associationism was the creation of a colonial ‘civil society’. This civil society embarked to be the national leaders of tomorrow. Furthermore, the self-limitation of the state, the separation of the political and social powers in distinct spheres and the idea of self-rule that grew of it conceptualized nationalism in India. National consciousness was brought about through regional patriotism as articles in vernacular languages were brought into print. An idea of the nation state that would replicate modernity (Europe) would require a single language and a homogenous culture. But in India with diversity; a pluralist approach with a constitution granting regional autonomy and laying down the federal structure of powers was decided upon by the leaders. Modern politics was thus created not through imitation of the West but taking into account the historical processes and a self-conscious process of structuring social order according to the particularities of society. POST-COLONIAL STATE [1] Sudipta Kaviraj(2000);Modernity and Politics in India, Daedalus Vol. 129, No. 1, Multiple Modernities (Winter, 2000), pp. 137-162 [2] Sudipta Kaviraj(2009); The Post-colonial State: The special case of India ; http://criticalencounters.net/2009/01/19/the-post-colonial-state-sudipta-kaviraj/ [3] Sudipta Kaviraj(2000);Modernity and Politics in India, Daedalus Vol. 129, No. 1, Multiple Modernities (Winter, 2000), pp. 137-162

The Kite Tunner

In The Kite Runner, even though Hassan remains loyal, forgiving, and good natured, he is still the character who suffers the most. Hassan is a character who is discriminated against from the start of the book, till the very end. He is a part of a poor ethnic group called Hazaras whom are considered victims in the Afghan society. Amir and Hassan are half brothers, but because Hassan was a Hazara, he grew up in a hut as a servant working for his own father. Hassan understands his inferiority and accepts it, which causes other people to take advantage of him by betraying him. For example, even though Hassan always stood up for Amir, Amir left Hassan to get raped. Hassan was too scared to stand up for his best friend and believed that Hassan is sacrificing himself for Amir. Not only was the rape an attack physically, but it is also an attack on the victim’s emotions and dignity. In the Kite Runner, Hassan suffers the most pain both physically and mentally by living his life being betrayed, discriminated and losing his family. To start off, Hassan is a poor ethnic Hazara, he is considered inferior to the Afghan society, and therefore is discriminated throughout the whole novel. For example, Hassan and Amir both have the same rich father, but because Hassan was illegitimate and was a Hazara, he grew up as a servant in his father’s hut. With this in mind, Hassan is discriminated by everyone even his own family even the ones who Hassam didn’t even know was his family. Discrimination is so significant in his life that he has accepted the fact that he was born to be hated for his appearance. Hassan’s biological father Baba lies to Hassan and doesn’t even tell him that he is his real father. Despite the fact that Hassan gets discriminated upon, he still remains loyal and forgiving. Another example would be when the Taliban wanted Baba’s house and when they found out that Hassan and his wife were kuvubg u but alone, they wouldn’t listen to him when he tried to explain that Rahim Khan was the owner and they were waiting his return. The Taliban of course shot Hassan and his wife leaving Sohrab alone. The Taliban who show Hassan and his Wife were dismissed from their trial because they said it was self defence. They were dismissed because they have no proof that the Hazaras attacked the Taliban because no one would stand up for Hazaras. With this in mind, Hassan has died In addition, despite the fact that everyone knows that Hassan is good natured, he still is betrayed many times in the story mostly by his best friend Amir. In detail, Amir treats Hassan unfairly even thought he knows that Hassan will be good about it. For example, Amir left Hassan to get raped by Assef in the alley Hassan taught him incorrect meaning of words. Even after Amir betrays Amir, Hassan continues to serve him. and abandoning him even though Hassan saved him countless amounts of time. Amir only does this because When Assef asked Amir why he’s friends with a Hazara, Amir said that he’s his servant and nothing more. Amir didn’t know that Hassan was his half brother, which leads Amir to take advantage of Hassan. Rape is one of the events in the story that happens to Hassan that makes him suffer the most. In this story, rape is not just physically violent, but it is also an attack on the victim’s emotions and dignity. The fact that Hassan didn’t resist just proves his role in society and how he accepts punishment that is given upon him. The rape proves that he doesn’t care about his own suffering Lastly, Hassan suffers by losing the people who were once family to him. Hassan suffers because his half brother Amir is the reason why Hassan and Ali left the house. In fact, Hassan has it tougher than Amir from the beginning. Not only did he lose his mother, his mother rejected him at birth. Sanaubar had taken one glance at the baby in Ali's arms, seen the cleft lip, and barked a bitter laughter. [†¦ ]. She had refused to even hold Hassan, and just five days later she was gone. (29). This event has left Hassan motherless ever since birth. He is separated from his beloved Amir and Baba whom he spent his whole life with. Another example would be when his mother left and rejected him at birth

Filipino People and Rizal Essay

Introduction: During Rizal’s time, he showed us what a real character of a woman is on those times. He told in one of his letter that from his infancy woman are with agreeable manners, beautiful ways, and modest demeanor. But he also told us that there was in all an admixture of servitude and deference to the words or whims of their so-called â€Å"spiritual fathers†, due to excessive kindness, modesty, or perhaps ignorance. They seemed faded plants sown and reared in darkness. The woman of Rizal’s time responded to the first appeal in the interest of the welfare of the people. Rizal said: now that you have set an example to those who, like you, long to have their eyes opened and be delivered from servitude, new hopes are awakened in us and we now even dare to face adversity, because we have you for our allies and are confident of victory. This term paper will discuss what are the identity of Filipina from the past and the women identity today. The significance of woman from the past who followed Rizal’s bravery to fight for their right and their characters, will also try to see what kind of woman identity should a Filipino have, the Filipino women in Rizal’s novel or some of our woman leaders of todays. What is a Filipina? Is she Asian or Western? Is she the reluctant leader Corazon Aquino, or is she the self-proclaimed â€Å"symbol of beauty for her people† Imelda Marcos? Is she the modern-day Gabriela Silang who envisions and works towards cross-sectoral changes, or is she one of the millions of faceless and nameless struggling multitude who does anything just to put rice on the table, the ordinary Juana de la Cruz? The implication of an early paradigm of gender character and equality may have, to some extent, begun the process of identity formation. On the surface, the Philippine myth does not seem to introduce the notion of conflict. What is projected is compatibility and harmony. Just when and how, then, did the problems of identity conflict for the Philippine woman come about? The language of the colonizer is found to not only serve as a vehicle for literary expression, but also for setting forth the idealized image of a Filipina from a male perspective. A brief glance at literature shows an evolution of sorts of the Filipina from the pre-colonial Maganda of indigenous folklore, to the early 1800s Laura who epitomizes beauty and faithful acceptance of her role as prescribed by culture, religion, and society; and to the fictional characterization of womanhood drawn from two works of historical fiction by Jose Rizal, Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo. Although Rizal’s central protagonists in both novels are men, the significance of the women characters lies in their symbolic portrayals of a people of many images, of a country torn apart by race, culture, and class. In Rizal’s attempt to define a nation’s identity by addressing the need for national reforms and by exposing the evils of colonialism, he may have also encouraged the need to demystify the Filipina. The colonial Spanish period’s desired image of a Filipina is embodied in the character of Maria Clara–beautiful, demure, modest, patient, devoutly religious, cultured, submissive, and virginal. The blood that runs through her veins is more European than native. Her ancestry is noted since it has a bearing on the idealized model of a Filipina, the Roman Catholic’s Virgin Mary, and European and foreign. Maria Clara belongs to the elite; her kindness is not to be equated, however, with social awareness. She is a repressed woman and her weakness and despair over a lost love overwhelm her, enabling powerful and sinister forces to slowly drive her to death. Perhaps, to a certain degree, this â€Å"ideal† is still upheld today, contributing to the confusion of identity formation, for the original application of the character â€Å"Filipino† was only for Spaniards and their descendants who lived on the islands; the indigenous natives were simply called â€Å"indios. † The 19th century saw a character reversal process: the latter (â€Å"indios†) who have capitulated, are now called â€Å"Filipinos† while the former, mostly direct descendants of colonizers, now prefer to call them â€Å"Spanish. † The character Dona Victorina is a reflection of the triumph of colonialism–the alteration of behavior and thinking patterned after the character’s perception of a superior race. One hundred years ago, there was a Dona Victorina. Today, the trappings of a colonial mindset persist, and are expressed in the attraction to look Western and to consume Western goods. Dona Victorina is a characterization of lost identity. Her frivolity, and that of Paulita Gomez, who is greatly enamored by the trappings of the elite, who loves the man who could maintain the needs of her class, and who is a vain and flighty version of Maria Clara, may be seen today in the persona of Imelda Marcos. The likes of Imelda Marcos also mirror, ironically, another Rizal character, Dona Consolacion, who can be described as an interesting specimen of colonial deformation. She may serve as an example of â€Å"the dehumanization of the indio,† a case of total alienation from her original self, or from her potential self. The character Sisa also represents the opposite image of Paulita, a contradiction of the so-called high status and the liberated label describing the Filipino women today. She is the woman Mary Hollensteiner speaks of in her article, â€Å"The Wife†: quietly suffering from subjugation, sacrificing to put food on the table, living only for her sons. Sisa represents the silent victims of an oppression which drove her to madness and death. There are millions of Sisas in the Philippines today: the unfortunate women who are scavenging for food in the mountains of trash, the degraded women whose bodies are used as commodities, and the abused wives who are repeatedly beaten by their husbands. The other woman, Juli, emerges as the one character that chooses death over a life in shame. She suffers abuse and humiliation working as a servant to pay her family’s debt. She brings to mind the women of today who work for starvation wages. Juli refuses to be coerced; her death liberates her from oppression. Among these characters, perhaps Juli best characterizes a sense of purpose and identity. In Rizal’s characters, the women who seem to be able to obtain their desired needs no matter the consequences are Dona Victorina, Paulita Gomez, and Dona Consolacion. On the other hand, misfortune seems to be the fate of the women whose consciousness could be raised to levels higher than that of self-sacrifice. The all-giving attitude of Maria Clara, Sisa, and Juli leads them to their deaths. Within their social strata, each character is confronted with varying degrees of oppression which in turn defines the parameters of liberation. In their ambition to hold on to the symbols of the ruling class, the former group has made themselves seemingly strong and highly visible handmaidens of a system which feeds on varying levels of coercion and subjugation. The latter group’s retreat into death or madness carries two concurrent views: 1) the strength to exercise a final liberation as a form of defiance to oppression, and 2) the weakness and inability to confront any form of injustice. Who is more oppressed? Who has really liberated herself? Perhaps, what we are seeing is the notion that oppression has slowed down the process towards a national identity in general and towards a Filipina identity in particular. The reality is that the Philippines is a country still going through the throes of colonization. Indeed, there are those who have catapulted to the highest ranks, such as Corazon Aquino and Imelda Marcos, who embody differences in substance, style, and character. However, there are contradictions. Corazon Aquino’s high visibility, status, and power contradicts the image of a meek and subservient wife loyal to the memory of her husband; while Imelda Marcos, the â€Å"Iron Butterfly† of unparalleled extravagance, is a drastic contrast to the image of a once dutiful and subservient wife. Despite the fact that both overcame the traditional roles assigned to women of their social class by reaching positions of political power, they remain subservient to the memories of their husbands, but exemplify the interests of the class they represent. Class interest is perhaps the overriding difference between highly visible women, such as Corazon Aquino and Imelda Marcos, and the fervent activist women carrying the legacy of an intellectualized Gabriela Silang. While women in power and women working for empowerment both assert a heritage and demand a platform, the contradiction probably lies in the former’s subservience and the latter’s ability to address issues that cut across class lines. But class again diametrically separates political women from those who suffer in silence, such as the patient and self-sacrificing women who toil to feed their families, work in sweat shops, as vendors, scavengers, and prostitutes. There are also those who come faceless and nameless for they may flit and slide and go seemingly where the wind blows, all these, indeed a kaleidoscope of conflicting Filipina identities. Not only do Rizal’s novels provide a matrix for identity and conflict, they also allow a rare view of a people’s past which formed their culture today, and of a social cancer of which, up to the present, â€Å"the best cure† is still to be found. In the process of identity formation or perpetuation of identity conflict, the women in Rizal’s novels best serve as bridges in the development process, allowing the flow from the early 1800s mythical formation to the current emerging identity. The social, cultural and political context of both past and present are mirrored in the novels. The myth of the â€Å"high status† of the Filipina has caused Philippine women, wittingly or unwittingly, to become at times participants in their own oppression. This â€Å"containment by elevation† has allowed the essence of womanhood to be subjected to and dictated by rules and regulations formulated by and for the satisfaction of a colonial society. Philippine women find themselves attempting to wade out of a quagmire of confusion over their identity. Remembrance of Rizal is fast disappearing when it ought to be cherished and honored by all Filipinos. It was he who, more effectively than anyone else among his compatriots, unified the disparate inhabitants of our archipelago into one nation. It was he who made them share a common rage against the foreign intruder and a common aspiration for the freedom of their land. Rizal awakened the national conscience from its lethargy not through the force of arms but with the armies of his pen. These were the â€Å"Noli† and â€Å"El Filibusterismo,† his â€Å"Letter to the Women of Malolos,† his youthful poems for the Motherland, his â€Å"Mi Ultimo Adios† that he secreted in a lamp in Fort Santiago hours before his death, and other irrefutable accusations against the Spaniards. His words were like mighty legions that won for our country the freedom we now enjoy. Summary As we all see, that woman of today are very different from the past. Filipino women today are brave and strong enough just like Rizal to fight for what they think is right. There also some women from the past who fight for their rights like education but as compare today woman are more confident to stand. There are woman activist who really do what a Filipino woman can do to make a stand for their fellow poor Filipino people especially those people who are uneducated, they take everything to achieve their goals. Nowadays, we are now equal with man in almost everything most especially in terms of education, all people in our country, man and woman, rich and poor are now equal in getting education. Because of it we are now challenge to face the adverse circumstances and continued to fight for changes, not just to limit our roles as housewives but also to continue fighting for what is right, and that’s what a real Filipino woman identity today. Just like Rizal, he focused on self-improvement, showing to Spain and the rest of the international community that, given the opportunity to achieve their full potential, Filipinos could stand alongside the best in the world and were eligible for self-rule. Then he set out to apply what he had learned as an ophthalmologist, providing a basic service that was badly needed by his impoverished compatriots. In his writings he emphasized the importance of education, seeing it as the path to national progress rather than armed revolt. We all know that prudence does not consist in blindly obeying any whim of the little tin God, but in obeying only that which is reasonable and just, because blind obedience is itself the cause and origin of those whims, and those guilty of it are really to be blamed. Rizal said that God gave each individual reason and a will of his or her own to distinguish the just and the unjust, all were born without shackles and free, and nobody has a right to subjugate the will and the spirit of another. I hope we can revive the reverent sentiments of gratitude to him for his efforts in releasing us from foreign bondage. Political rhetoric is not enough to keep his heroism alive. Let us remember that he forsook the enticements of his youthful and gifted life and embraced instead the ultimate sacrifice for the welfare of his country. That is the best homage we can pay the greatest hero of our race. Conclusion The issue of racial equality is today hardly disputed in intellectual circles. During Rizal’s time, however, the claim that â€Å"all races are essentially equal† was a highly debated topic among anthropologists, biologists, and philosophers. The readers of his novels, essays, and letters are familiar with his portrayal and denunciation of Spanish colonial rule. His insistence on the education of the native Indios, the representation of the Philippines in the Cortes Generales, and more so the recognition of the civil rights of the Filipino are all based on the belief that there are neither â€Å"essentially† superior nor â€Å"essentially† inferior races. In this belief stems the conviction that his fellow Filipinos had the capacity for autonomy and enlightenment. The present Filipino youth must know that in order to make their presence felt, they must understand Rizal. To understand Rizal, they must have the spirit and motivation to do so. Without such spirit or motivation, they will never be able to understand Rizal’s objectives or even the other heroes who fought for equality and freedom for the sake of the Fatherland. I believe that the Filipino youth will be able to move the society through these implied teachings of Jose Rizal that will sprout a new love to the Filipino Hero, I admit that I only considered Rizal’s Life and Works as another general education subject that is needed to be taken. But what I get is more than just knowing Rizal, but also knowing my Filipino identity and that I must fight at all cost to defend my identity. A lot of what Rizal had dreamed of has now come true for many people in the state. He was already a modern democrat when he advocated participation in the state and society with education. Today, education is no longer a privilege among the small elite, for everybody’s participation in all public matters has become a right and duty. † One’s right to express him or her in all matters is founded on compulsory education with the required quality standards. References: Jose Rizal’s Writings in Europe and its message to the Filipino Youth Today Zaide, Gregorio F. & Zaide, Sonia M. 1998. Jose Rizal: Life, Works and Writings of a Genius, Writer, Scientist and National Hero. Capino, Gonzales and Pineda: Rizal’s life, works and writings:their impact on our National identity Colonization: It’s Impact on Self-Image Philippine Women in Rizal’s Novels and Today By Linda Acupanda McGloin.

The Tragedy Of Sophocles Oedipus - 998 Words

Shakespeare, one of the greatest playwrights of the Renaissance era, could have changed Ancient Greek Theatre plays tremendously as his approach was drastically different than that of Greek playwrights. In Oedipus by Sophocles, a curse has been set on the people of Thebes for the previous murderer of their former king Laius. King Oedipus as a child was given a prophecy that he would kill his father and marry his mother and that indeed has occurred as it is proven by witnesses that he was the murderer of the king and that his wife is also his mother. Following this horrible news Oedipus wife commits suicide and Oedipus decides to blind himself, to only then be exiled from Thebes. Shakespeare would have changed many things about how Sophocles wrote Oedipus and one of the first things he would do are establish many settings throughout the story, add much more violence than what Sophocles already provided, and have many time changes instead of having everything crammed into one day. As Oedipus By Sophocles has only one setting because of how Ancient Greek theatre was distinguished, Shakespeare was not restrained, and he would use as many as setting he would need to tell a story. Oedipus occurs at the palace and does not have any setting changes even when Oedipus orders that Creon goes hear Tiresias the blind prophets fortune. Shakespeare would have added a setting change from the palace to Creon visiting Tiresias at his home. We would go from the palace to somewhere far awayShow MoreRelatedThe Tragedy Of Sophocles Oedipus The King )1044 Words   |  5 PagesThe Forgotten Ones (Describe the Significance of the Chorus in Sophocles’ Oedipus the King) Oedipus the King is a famous play written by the renowned author Sophocles and first acted out back in 429 BC. It is the second of three plays written by Sophocles that dealt with Oedipus; the first one being Oedipus at Colonus and the last one being Antigone. 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